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LESSONS
The Weird
Science of the Education Law
By RICHARD ROTHSTEIN
January 16, 2002, The New York Times
Liberal Democrats have long wanted more federal involvement in education,
hoping this would bring extra funds to urban schools. Conservative Republicans
argued against a federal role, warning that it would lead to national
curriculums that reflect liberal values.
When President Bush signed the education bill last week, liberals got
their wish for federal involvement, though with less money than they wanted.
Conservatives did not fret about increased federal control because they
saw a chance to impose their own values on the nation’s schools.
The new law is filled with seemingly harmless phrases that have great
symbolic meaning to proponents. For example, the Republican majority on
the House Committee on Education and the Workforce boasts that it substituted
the term “achievement” for “performance,” a word found in previous law.
To the uninitiated, it may seem strange to insist on distinguishing these
terms. But to some conservatives, performance assessment refers to evaluating
students in several ways and on various skills, whereas “achievement”
refers only to standardized tests in core academic subjects.
Many educators think that students should be evaluated with standardized
tests but feel that samples of writing and projects should also be used.
This is anathema to some conservatives, who now hope to have banned such
portfolios with a legislative sleight of hand.
The law has a new program for strengthening American history instruction
by, for example, providing grants for training teachers. But dollars can
be used only for “traditional” American history. Most historians now urge
teachers to cover the experiences of minorities, women and ordinary workers,
not only political leaders. There is debate about how much the emphasis
should shift, but virtually no respected educator wants a return to the
traditional teaching of only facts about leaders. Yet this approach is
a matter of law for schools that accept this federal money.
Then there is the legislative demand that almost all policies rely on
“scientifically based research.” The phrase originally referred to studies
by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development, finding
that children with reading difficulties needed to learn phonics. The institute’s
studies do not say that all children benefit from such lessons, or that
phonics should be the most important part of instruction. Many careful
studies of reading proficiency find that exposure to literature (sometimes
called whole language instruction) also has value. But educational conservatives
have nonetheless decided that “scientifically based research” supports
teaching only the mechanics of reading.
Infatuated with the promise of scientific research in education, the drafters
went further, sprinkling the bill with scores of other gratuitous references
to science. Teachers must be recruited using scientifically based research.
Library media programs must be scientifically based. Even school security
officers in a drug prevention program must be hired using scientific methods.
Such excess cheapens the concept of solid educational research, ensuring
only that proponents of any policy will now claim a scientific basis for
their proposals.
Congressional enthusiasm for science, however, does not seem to apply
to evolution and sex education. In the case of evolution, the law says
that teachers must “help students understand the full range of views on
controversial topics,” science notwithstanding.
And sex education programs must emphasize abstinence, despite the lack
of scientific data showing this to be an effective way to reduce AIDS,
venereal disease or teenage pregnancy. The law actually does its best
to discourage scientific data on this topic, prohibiting Department of
Education surveys from asking students, even anonymously, about their
sex behavior or attitudes. Effective programs cannot be developed without
such information.
Liberals and moderates, who have often used coded words themselves to
serve their legislative objectives, were so eager to get money for urban
schools that they have now acceded to provisions and slogans they found
offensive. They are probably right that the ideological intent will be
softened in Education Department regulations and that this administration
will only modestly enforce the agenda reflected in the law’s language.
But it is a dangerous gamble, just to win a few extra dollars for urban
schools. Future administrations could take the language more seriously.
Or a judge could rule favorably on a lawsuit claiming, say, that federal
dollars were used to teach “untraditional” history.
Conservatives, too, may rue the day they so significantly
expanded the federal government’s place in the classroom. A door, carefully
guarded for so long, has now been opened wide. Who might walk through
it in the future?
Copyright
2002, The New York Times
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